In recent years, the view that religious belief and
participation in religious acts of worship has a positive effect upon the
well-being of man has repeatedly been publicized in the German-speaking sphere
by high-circulation magazines such as Der Spiegel and popular-science
periodicals like Psychologie Heute, which cite epidemiological inquiries and
quantitative research. These articles also suggest that religious
people are able to cope with crises in their lives, with stress and
psycho-social conflicts, more easily and develop highly effective coping
strategies; moreover, they state that faith has a positive effect upon
psychological and even physical health. A mass inquiry conducted in 1992 among
members of the two major churches in Germany (Roman Catholic and Lutheran
Protestant), for example, revealed that self-perceived satisfaction with life
was more than 10% higher among regular church-goers than among those who do not
go to church. This statement, among others, seemed to confirm the results of
previous extensive studies, all of them suggesting that devout and practicing
adherents of a religion were generally less prone to depression than persons who
were brought up in religious faith but had turned away from church later in
their lives.2 Other inquiries that were conducted among smaller
populations, too, lead to the assumption “that religion has a slight positive
sum effect on self-perceptions of happiness.” In his essay “Can Religion
Make You Happy?” (FI, Summer 1998), John F. Schumaker gives a survey of seven
quantitative studies dealing directly with the two variables, and of 20 others
that operated with components of “happiness,” all of them rendering more or
less the same results.
These kinds of studies have repeatedly been criticized, and
rightly so, pointing out that the effects described are not the result of
religious belief but of other factors, such as social support, conformity, etc.
On no account does this mean, however, that the results of these studies can be
rejected altogether. But the question arises as to whether they were not
principally distorted by a systematic error made in designing and performing the
studies. All of the studies mentioned have a serious methodological deficiency:
none of them examines a control group of determined atheists whose psychic
condition is, for example, compared to that of groups of half-hearted wavering
atheists and groups of persons ranging from the only slightly religious to
religious fanatics. Moreover, the epidemiological studies suppress the fact that
the absolute number of determined atheists in the total population is very small
in relation to the number of more or less religious people. By no means,
however, may the unequal distribution of the two groups within the basic total
number play a part in a qualitative comparison between them. This fact has to be
given due consideration with any experimental design if it really is to meet the
methodological criteria.
A study we conducted ourselves among determined atheists is
very well suited to the purpose of putting the debate of whether there is a
statistically substantiable relation between religiousness and depression on a
more objective level, a debate that is also quite often influenced by
ideological views. Our study, which was conducted on the basis of a
comprehensive questionnaire, comprises a population of 174 persons of all ages
and both sexes, who, in order to be considered for our evaluation, had to
fulfill the following preconditions: all test persons must come from religious
families and must also have received the religious education of the average
citizen (as far as the imparting of religious doctrines and the performance of
certain rituals are concerned); they must also have left the church later in
their lives. Furthermore, they were categorized as determined
atheists only if they were also subscribers to a German anticlerical periodical.
With this latter criterion we wanted to ensure that the test persons had left
church not “only” for financial reasons but also from inner conviction and,
moreover, manifested more or less openly that they were opposed to religion. For
the measurement of the average emotional condition of our test persons, we used
Beck’s Depression Inventory (BDI), which is widely applied in psychology. We
had chosen this standardized measuring method especially for the reason that it
would enable us to compare the values obtained from our test population with
those obtained from test groups of religious persons.
In a study conducted almost at the same time as ours among
Catholic students (all of whom were, of course, church members), the assessment
of the test persons’ statements by means of the BDI scale, where higher values
also mean a higher proneness to depression, suggests that significantly fewer
(in statistical terms) signs of depressive conditions were to be noted with
strictly religious persons than with those to whom faith is of relatively little
importance.The authors determined an average value of 4.6 for all
church members they had questioned. Moreover, they subdivided the test groups
according to how close their emotional ties with religion and church were. The
values they determined were 3.4 for the strictly religious group, 6.0 for the
less religious group, and 4.0 for the group of moderately religious people,
which means the highest degree of depression was found in the sub-group of the
least religious persons. From this, the investigators—like the studies cited
above—draw the conclusion that “depression is the price that has to be paid
for giving up religious convictions.” This conclusion, however, is entirely
dubious, as the values determined in the group of less religious people, i.e.
the “lukewarm” Christians, are—in a suggestive manner—taken as a
comparative value for all those who have freed themselves from the religious
beliefs in which they were brought up, and the investigators are simply taking
advantage of the fact that, in statistical terms, the number of determined
atheists is small in comparison to the relatively great number of more or less
religious people, as we have already mentioned above. Our study has proved that
determined atheists actually show a significantly lower depression score: 3.2.
If we transfer these values into a coordinate system and take the inverse value
for depression as the ordinate and the degree of (ir-)religiousness as the
abscissa, we obtain an asymmetrical U-shaped curve. This means that fanatical
Christians and militant atheists are least prone to depression, whereas wavering
atheists and the half-heartedly religious are literally “washed out”—or,
to illustrate it by a quotation from the Bible: “But the half-hearted I shall
spew.” The asymmetry is due to the fact that, on the average, even with devout
Christians depressions occur more frequently than with determined atheists. The
most distinct contrast, however, is to be noted between the group of determined
atheists and the group of slightly religious people.
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